The Houthis rely on arms trafficking, Iranian support, and old weapons caches to obtain and launch ballistic missiles.
The Houthi rebels in Yemen launched a ballistic missile on Sunday that made landfall close to Tel Aviv, a thriving commercial center in Israel. Abdul Malik al-Houthi, the leader of the rebel Houthis, took credit for the missile and called it a “ballistic missile” that slipped past Israel’s advanced air defense systems. Although there were no casualties, the attack heightened the already tense situation in the region, especially as the first anniversary of the Gaza war—which was started by Hamas’ attack on October 7—drew closer.
Benjamin Netanyahu, the prime minister of Israel, reacted quickly and threatened to make the Houthi rebels, who were backed by Iran, “pay a heavy price” for the attack. The symbolic significance of the attack cannot be overstated, even though the missile only caused minor damage—shattering glass at a train station and injuring several civilians as they were heading to shelters. This is the most recent development concerning the Houthis, who are being pulled deeper into the Gaza War as a component of a larger coalition of militias referred to as Iran’s Axis of Resistance.
The attack raised concerns about how a militia in Yemen’s war-torn country came to be able to launch missile strikes with such long range.
Origins Of The Houthis’ Missile Capabilities
The Houthis rely on arms trafficking, Iranian support, and old weapons caches to obtain and launch ballistic missiles. In the 1990s, the organization—officially known as Ansar Allah—grew from a small-scale religious movement to a formidable militia armed with cutting-edge weaponry. The Houthis have built their missile arsenal primarily from three sources since the start of the Yemeni civil war in 2015:
Yemeni Government Missiles
Yemen was split into its North and South during the Cold War, with rival superpowers providing military support to both sides. In the 1970s, the Soviet Union started selling Scud missiles to the Yemeni government. Over time, Yemen’s military stockpiles were stocked with a variety of ballistic and surface-to-air missiles, including some from North Korea, Iran, and, ironically, Saudi Arabia and the US.
These ballistic missiles were used in the civil war in Yemen in 1994, and by the time the Houthis gained notoriety in the 2000s, they had plenty of access to antiquated but operational missile systems. The Houthis frequently looted government armories between 2004 and 2010, obtaining access to missiles and other heavy weaponry. But their missile power didn’t really take off until 2015, when they formed an alliance with former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh.
Arms Supply And Tactical Training By Iran
The Houthis have been heavily dependent on Iranian assistance since the beginning of the Yemeni civil war. This support has taken the form of missile parts as well as assembly and launch technique training. US and coalition forces have repeatedly intercepted Iranian missile shipments en route to Yemen, despite Iran’s never publicly acknowledging their support.
The book ‘The Missile War in Yemen’ by Ian Williams and Shaan Shaikh claims that missile strike debris has been discovered bearing Iranian manufacturing labels and Farsi inscriptions. The Houthis’ capacity for long-range strikes has been enhanced by Iran’s supply of missiles, including the Burkan series, the Quds-1 cruise missile, and the Sayyad-2C surface-to-air missile.
Iran’s ability to covertly transport missile components into Yemen is one of its most potent strategic advantages. These routes consist of traveling through Oman on land, shipping clandestine goods through the Arabian Sea, and even sneaking through unofficial ports on Yemen’s Red Sea coast. The missiles are frequently delivered in sections, which are assembled in Houthi-controlled territory with Iranian assistance.
Spoils Of War
Due to mishaps and combat losses, the coalition led by Saudi Arabia, which was established to uphold Yemen’s internationally recognized government, has unintentionally given the Houthis weapons. Rocket launchers, anti-tank missiles, and other equipment belonging to Saudi forces or their allies have been taken by Houthi forces.
A 2015 mishap involving a Saudi coalition air drop led to the Houthis seizing a shipment of RPG-26 variants. The rebels did not take long to display their loot; a Houthi leader was seen holding a thank-you note for Saudi King Salman. Even though some sophisticated missile systems have been taken during these captures, they are still not as important as Iranian assistance and Yemeni stockpiles.
The Houthis have shown that they are capable of developing their unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) capabilities in recent years. Iran’s influence is once again evident, and drones have become an essential component of their arsenal. The Sayad and other Iranian drone models are similar to the Houthis’ Sammad drone series, which they use in one-way “suicide” missions.
Why Iran Supports The Houthis
The Houthis are a component of an expanding network of political groups and militias supported by Iran, which also includes Hezbollah in Lebanon and other Shiite militias in Iraq. Tehran views the Houthis as a low-cost, high-impact proxy force that can project Iranian power into the Red Sea, a vital route for international trade, and destabilize the Arabian Peninsula.
One of the most significant marine chokepoints in the world connects the Red Sea to the Indian Ocean through the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait. Iran gains control over this crucial corridor by aiding the Houthis, which could potentially sabotage international oil and trade flows. As a result, the Houthis play a significant role in Iran’s strategy to subvert Saudi and American dominance in the area.
